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- <text id=94TT1732>
- <title>
- Dec. 12, 1994: Russia:Fire in the Caucasus
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
- Dec. 12, 1994 To the Dogs
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- RUSSIA, Page 36
- Fire in the Caucasus
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p> Yeltsin's ultimatum to breakaway Chechnya prompts fears of a
- homegrown Afghanistan war
- </p>
- <p>By John Kohan/Moscow--With reporting by Yuri Zarakhovich/Moscow
- </p>
- <p> Boris Yeltsin may be slow to make decisions, but when he does,
- watch out. For three years, he has tolerated a secessionist
- movement in Chechnya, an oil-rich, predominantly Muslim enclave
- of 1.1 million people in Russia's North Caucasus region. Rather
- than take direct steps to resolve the impasse with Chechen president
- Jokhar Dudayev, who champions breaking away, the Kremlin has
- waged a proxy war against him by giving covert military and
- financial support to Dudayev's pro-Moscow opponents.
- </p>
- <p> Yeltsin's fiction of noninvolvement vanished last week. The
- causes: a botched coup and POWS in danger. A coalition of anti-Dudayev
- forces had rolled into Chechnya's capital of Grozny in late
- November only to be repelled by Dudayev loyalists, who claim
- to have destroyed 20 tanks and killed 350 people in the fighting.
- They also captured 120 Russian soldiers among the rebels and
- paraded them on television. Back in Russia, the families of
- the prisoners identified their kin as members of a Russian army
- unit. Yeltsin could no longer afford to dissemble. Until then,
- Moscow had always insisted it was providing only political backing
- for Dudayev's opponents. The Russian President issued all the
- warring Chechens a 48-hour ultimatum to lay down their weapons
- or face military intervention.
- </p>
- <p> When the deadline passed at 6 a.m. Thursday without any action
- from Dudayev, Russian troops began massing on the borders of
- the mountainous, land-locked region. Meanwhile, Dudayev's opponents
- sent sophisticated jet fighters--planes that could never have
- been procured or even operated without Russian help--to bomb
- military bases and the airport in Grozny. To show that Yeltsin
- really meant business, 30 Antonov An-12 transport planes with
- soldiers and armor were deployed in the neighboring ethnic republic
- of North Ossetia.
- </p>
- <p> Then, with his fist clenched in the air, the Russian President
- suddenly softened the bellicose rhetoric. The Kremlin announced
- that Yeltsin had not actually signed an order imposing a state
- of emergency in Chechnya. Instead, he offered all Chechens a
- limited amnesty if they voluntarily handed in their weapons
- by Dec. 15. Hopes for a settlement focused on a parliamentary
- delegation that met with Dudayev in Grozny and returned to Moscow
- with two of the imprisoned Russians.
- </p>
- <p> Yeltsin has a good deal riding on a speedy resolution of the
- power struggle in Grozny. It is a test of his authority and
- political will to hold together a Russian federation of 89 ethnic
- republics and regions in danger of splitting apart just as the
- Soviet Union did in 1991. Dudayev's campaign for independence
- is only the most flagrant example of a growing regional revolt
- against the central government over issues of local sovereignty
- and tax policy.
- </p>
- <p> Still, the Kremlin could not have chosen a more treacherous
- spot to defend its federalist principles than Chechnya, a traditional,
- clan-structured society that still avidly pursues blood vendettas.
- Historically, the Chechens have preferred to retreat to the
- hills in guerrilla bands rather than submit to Moscow. Thus,
- last week, when Yeltsin mobilized his forces against their ethnic
- republic, many anti-Dudayev groups set aside their differences
- last week to back the Chechen president. As women and children
- abandoned Grozny for fortress-like farm houses in the countryside,
- scores of volunteers streamed into the capital to prepare for
- possible invasion. Hundreds of independence supporters gathered
- in front of the presidency building for a national prayer vigil,
- their open hands held reverently in the air, Kalashnikov rifles
- slung over their shoulders. Warned Aslan Moskhadov, chief of
- the Chechen general staff: "The North Caucasus will become another
- Afghanistan for Russia."
- </p>
- <p> If Russian forces move into Chechnya, violence could easily
- spill into the neighboring republics of the North Caucasian
- region, a volatile melting pot of ethnic groups that share Chechen
- suspicions of Kremlin intentions. Even the city of Moscow could
- be drawn into the struggle, if Dudayev and his supporters carry
- out oft-repeated threats to wage a terrorist war on the streets
- of the Russian capital. Not taking any chances, Moscow police
- were put on heightened alert last week.
- </p>
- <p> Yeltsin is a high-risk gambler who likes to talk tough rather
- than negotiate, but he was clearly having second thoughts about
- taking on the fiercely independent Chechens. From Czarist-era
- conflicts down to Afghanistan, the historical precedents for
- waging a successful armed struggle in the restive regions on
- Russia's southern rim are not encouraging. As Yeltsin well knows,
- governments and armies more stable than Russia's today have
- been brought to their knees when minor wars on the periphery
- grew to shake the center of power.
-
- </p></body>
- </article>
- </text>
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